Early 2025 Coverage: Pharmacare Negotiations

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Canadian federalism is defined by a constitutional division of powers that grants
autonomous authority to both federal and provincial governments (Hueglin, 2021, p. 42).
Provinces maintain control over regionally significant domains such as healthcare delivery, while
the federal government oversees collective national concerns, including fiscal arrangements and
overarching policy frameworks (p. 26). Media framing of federalism involves presenting the
jurisdictional complexities, intergovernmental negotiations, and the balance, or imbalance, of
power between orders of government (p.27). In the context of healthcare, this includes
recognizing provincial variability in program delivery and highlights how constitutional
mandates, such as Section 36(2) of the Constitution Act, 1982, impose federal responsibilities to
ensure comparable public services across provinces (Constitution Act, 1982, s. 36(2)).
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Early 2025 Coverage: Pharmacare Negotiations
Two concurrent articles provide a case study of media framing in early 2025. In the first
example, The Globe and Mail’s “PM commits to pharmacare pacts with provinces, territories
without deals” adopts a centralized federalist narrative, positioning Prime Minister Carney and
the federal government as the primary drivers of pharmacare policy (Kirkup, 2025). Provincial
governments are depicted as passive recipients, emphasizing federal commitment through active
language such as “commits” and “pledged,” while provincial voices are largely absent. This
framing marginalizes the constitutional and political complexity inherent in intergovernmental
negotiations by portraying the federal government as the sole actor responsible for policy
progress (Kirkup, 2025).
In contrast, the second example from the Toronto Star, “PM vows to sign pharmacare
deals: Carney pledges agreements with all provinces, territories, but won’t commit to expanding
coverage,” presents a more nuanced asymmetrical federalist perspective (MacCharles, 2025).
While still centering federal leadership, it acknowledges the challenges of building consensus
among provinces and the risk of a “patchwork” program resulting from uneven provincial
uptake. However, provincial perspectives remain underdeveloped, with minimal direct quotes
from provincial officials, and conflict is implied rather than explicitly examined. Advocacy
groups primarily direct pressure toward the federal government, reinforcing Ottawa’s central role
in the narrative (MacCharles, 2025).
Both articles implicitly reference federalism through mentions of bilateral negotiations
and regional variation but fail to treat federalism as a dynamic political system with contested
power relations (Hueglin, 2021, p. 148). The omission of provincial agency and the complexities
4
of jurisdictional negotiation skews public understanding by oversimplifying intergovernmental
dynamics and obscuring the co-equal role of provinces in healthcare governance (p. 96).

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Canadian federalism is defined by a constitutional division of powers that grants autonomous authority to both federal and provincial governments (Hueglin, 2021, p. 42). Provinces maintain control over regionally significant domains such as healthcare delivery, while the federal government oversees collective national concerns, including fiscal arrangements and overarching policy frameworks (p. 26). Media framing of federalism involves presenting the jurisdictional complexities, intergovernmental negotiations, and the balance, or imbalance, of power between orders of government (p.27). In the context of healthcare, this includes recognizing provincial variability in program delivery and highlights how constitutional mandates, such as Section 36(2) of the Constitution Act, 1982, impose federal responsibilities to ensure comparable public services across provinces (Constitution Act, 1982, s. 36(2)). 3 Early 2025 Coverage: Pharmacare Negotiations Two concurrent articles provide a case study of media framing in early 2025. In the first example, The Globe and Mail’s “PM commits to pharmacare pacts with provinces, territories without deals” adopts a centralized federalist narrative, positioning Prime Minister Carney and the federal government as the primary drivers of pharmacare policy (Kirkup, 2025). Provincial governments are depicted as passive recipients, emphasizing federal commitment through active language such as “commits” and “pledged,” while provincial voices are largely absent. This framing marginalizes the constitutional and political complexity inherent in intergovernmental negotiations by portraying the federal government as the sole actor responsible for policy progress (Kirkup, 2025). In contrast, the second example from the Toronto Star, “PM vows to sign pharmacare deals: Carney pledges agreements with all provinces, territories, but won’t commit to expanding coverage,” presents a more nuanced asymmetrical federalist perspective (MacCharles, 2025). While still centering federal leadership, it acknowledges the challenges of building consensus among provinces and the risk of a “patchwork” program resulting from uneven provincial uptake. However, provincial perspectives remain underdeveloped, with minimal direct quotes from provincial officials, and conflict is implied rather than explicitly examined. Advocacy groups primarily direct pressure toward the federal government, reinforcing Ottawa’s central role in the narrative (MacCharles, 2025). Both articles implicitly reference federalism through mentions of bilateral negotiations and regional variation but fail to treat federalism as a dynamic political system with contested power relations (Hueglin, 2021, p. 148). The omission of provincial agency and the complexities 4 of jurisdictional negotiation skews public understanding by oversimplifying intergovernmental dynamics and obscuring the co-equal role of provinces in healthcare governance (p. 96).

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